The principal social purpose of universities today is to keep around 44% of the age group 18-22 out of the jobs market and [in the main] in a life of sufficient social indulgence to keep them from radicalisation in support of any real or imagined cause. In England [which forms the bulk of the population] the cost of achieving this objective has been shunted from the state budget into a La-la-Land where it appears as a debt owed by the graduate community; which no one believes will be repaid in full, or even in half. The fact that the interest that is added to the accumulated debt has now increased to more than 6% - compound - makes the dream of repayment even more laughable.
It is still argued in some quarters that the universities have an economic purpose, to train the inventors of the future and to nurture some of the best researchers as teachers in the universities who combine their pedagogic work with the selection of the best students to join their research teams who will thus extend and perpetuate their work. This happens, on a depressingly small scale in comparison to the massive size of the university sector overall. Some buildings that were provided by the state in the nineteen sixties and seventies for university schools of science - especially of applied science and engineering - have been 're-purposed' to take some of the expansion in social studies: especially business and media. Where applied science capacity has been maintained, since the mid-seventies it has been occupied by an increasing proportion of overseas students [at both undergraduate and postgraduate levels] who mostly take their skills to competitor countries after graduating. Around the best scientific, medical and engineering departments have been gathered spin-off companies, which have developed innovations formed in the academic context into potentially successful businesses. Where these grow into conspicuous successes, the probability of them being taken over and developed by aliens, rather than by British capitalists, is overwhelming.
It is also worth noting that much of the best spun-off development has been in business parks funded by richly-endowed colleges, especially in Cambridge; which have been better resourced that spin-offs from Manchester or Sheffield Universities. Bullshit about the Northern Powerhouse has drawn heavily on the resources of the universities in the region for its rhetoric: but the Oxbridge endowments have not been matched by state funding for spin-offs from the multiple universities in Leeds or Birmingham.
The chief function of the universities is indeed to maintain intelligent young people in suspense over a period of years in which they have a good chance of being softened by drink, drugs, sex and idleness, or of being diverted into sports and hobbies that absorb their attention in ways that are not economically or politically disruptive. The school results that determine which university and course [if any] pupils in England, Wales and Northern Ireland will take up are being announced today, and the universities are competing vigorously to attract the best talent [insofar as it is revealed by A-level results]. The short-term motives for this are to be able to claim a 'high quality' of intake to keep a flow of good applicants coming to the university, and to get their fees through the university's books. The longer-term objective is to be a survivor when the inevitable cull of the over-bloated higher education system is begun. Economic and social usefulness will then be asserted as the criteria for selection as to which institutions should be culled and which retained: but the objectivity and validity of those criteria will be subject to challenge. The outcome, as to the size, shape and orientation of the higher education system cannot now be predicted.
There still are great scholars and sensible researchers in the British higher educational system. One such has just challenged the increasing optimism of government and the media about the extent of the oil and gas supplies that can be gained by fracking shale. He has gently suggested that the shales that are to be found in the UK are mostly too new [in Geological terms] to yield much that is economically useful. So another bubble may be about to burst: which shows how important it is - and always has been - to develop and retain the applied sciences: they can provide counterbalance to the fantasies that emerge from the Econocracy, which currently corrupt far too great a proportion of the university population.
Showing posts with label Leeds. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Leeds. Show all posts
Thursday, 17 August 2017
Tuesday, 25 July 2017
The Fantasy Powerhouse and Historic Reality
Andy Burnham, having moved into the new [and partly undefined] job of a civic mayor has joined in the clamour - which resonates over the Pennines but hardly gains a mention in the London media - as to what has become of George Osborne's 'Northern Powerhouse'. The idea, such as it was, was to persuade Chinese and other foreigners to invest in Manchester and Leeds [and possibly Sheffield and Liverpool], to begin to lift those cities out of the post-industrial depression into which the Thatcher-Major-Blair-Brown-Cameron-Clegg continuum had left them. The concept was predicated on the assumption that there were no significant government funds, beyond the mega-scheme for a bifurcation of the [Chinese financed] HS2 railway to Manchester and to Leeds, north of Birmingham and perhaps some electrification of other lines in the north [to be paid for by the Network Rail budget; not by the government directly]. So a great bubble of talk was built up, Vice-Chancellors pledged their universities to help with surveys and research and local councils hoped to bring their districts into a new co-prosperity sphere.
No material structures were built. A few alien takeovers were made of firms in northern cities. Then came the Brexit vote, Mrs May, the removal of George Osborn and the dissolution of his verbal construct. He asserted that the powerhouse concept would continue, but [notwithstanding his editorship of a London paper] he was just a voice who occasionally visited the wilderness of the north.
Thus the desolation that Andy Burnham sees dragging on into the future is the most realistic prospect for the areas that were exposed to Osborne's 'powerhouse' fantasy. This contrasts directly with the picture as it was half a century ago. Under the Labour Government of 1945 the supposedly exhausted and bankrupt country that is depicted in Econocratically-influenced history set about rebuilding the railways. They began with a massive northern powerhouse project: a fully-electrified, largely newly-routed railway over [and through] the Pennines, between Lancashire and Yorkshire and planned to link with electrified east and west-coast main lines between the midlands of England and the midlands of Scotland. The massive Woodhead Tunnel was driven through the higher hills on the route, and the new Sheffield-Manchester route was a subject of national celebration when it was completed. While the primary use of the railway in its early days was to carry goods, and especially coal as the great source of power for the new economy, it was seen as a significant first step in modernising the entire rail network, as was to be done on the continent over the next couple of decades.
Then came Mr MacMillan and the motorways; and the decision that the country would not afford to develop the railways and new roads: even though the continentals were doing just that. Then, eventually, came Blair and Cameron and the promise to phase out coal burning power stations; which was logical as the Thatcher gang had shut the mines and coal - unlike oil, which had been found under British home waters - had to be imported, to the detriment of the balance of payments. The last vestiges of the real, material northern powerhouse were destroyed: symbolised by the closure of the Woodhead Tunnel. Sheffield and Manchester are now linked by a meandering branch railway and by an overcrowded M62; and there is no sign that this will change. This exemplifies a total and dramatic failure of governance, in what used to be a great country.
Just a footnote, on debt. Consumer debt - especially car loans - is a worry for the Bank of England, whose officials have begun to bang on about it. The government is silent on the matter, so far. When the Woodhead Tunnel was being built, the government directly controlled consumer debt: there were controls of hire purchase, a set minimum for the deposit that had to be paid in cash, and control of the period over which the debt could be spread. No-one felt unduly oppressed by such regulation: it was all accepted as being part of a plan for postwar reconstruction of the economy, that people could see was working as homes became available and the roads were repaired after wartime destruction and decay. Hope and promise were in the air: so control of credit was no harm at all. Now the government is under the influence of the Econocrats who would oppose any reintroduction of state control of credit, which [they say] is the business of the banks and the supposedly-independent Bank of England. So we are exposed to a credit crunch, again: to set alongside material failure of the economy.
No material structures were built. A few alien takeovers were made of firms in northern cities. Then came the Brexit vote, Mrs May, the removal of George Osborn and the dissolution of his verbal construct. He asserted that the powerhouse concept would continue, but [notwithstanding his editorship of a London paper] he was just a voice who occasionally visited the wilderness of the north.
Thus the desolation that Andy Burnham sees dragging on into the future is the most realistic prospect for the areas that were exposed to Osborne's 'powerhouse' fantasy. This contrasts directly with the picture as it was half a century ago. Under the Labour Government of 1945 the supposedly exhausted and bankrupt country that is depicted in Econocratically-influenced history set about rebuilding the railways. They began with a massive northern powerhouse project: a fully-electrified, largely newly-routed railway over [and through] the Pennines, between Lancashire and Yorkshire and planned to link with electrified east and west-coast main lines between the midlands of England and the midlands of Scotland. The massive Woodhead Tunnel was driven through the higher hills on the route, and the new Sheffield-Manchester route was a subject of national celebration when it was completed. While the primary use of the railway in its early days was to carry goods, and especially coal as the great source of power for the new economy, it was seen as a significant first step in modernising the entire rail network, as was to be done on the continent over the next couple of decades.
Then came Mr MacMillan and the motorways; and the decision that the country would not afford to develop the railways and new roads: even though the continentals were doing just that. Then, eventually, came Blair and Cameron and the promise to phase out coal burning power stations; which was logical as the Thatcher gang had shut the mines and coal - unlike oil, which had been found under British home waters - had to be imported, to the detriment of the balance of payments. The last vestiges of the real, material northern powerhouse were destroyed: symbolised by the closure of the Woodhead Tunnel. Sheffield and Manchester are now linked by a meandering branch railway and by an overcrowded M62; and there is no sign that this will change. This exemplifies a total and dramatic failure of governance, in what used to be a great country.
Just a footnote, on debt. Consumer debt - especially car loans - is a worry for the Bank of England, whose officials have begun to bang on about it. The government is silent on the matter, so far. When the Woodhead Tunnel was being built, the government directly controlled consumer debt: there were controls of hire purchase, a set minimum for the deposit that had to be paid in cash, and control of the period over which the debt could be spread. No-one felt unduly oppressed by such regulation: it was all accepted as being part of a plan for postwar reconstruction of the economy, that people could see was working as homes became available and the roads were repaired after wartime destruction and decay. Hope and promise were in the air: so control of credit was no harm at all. Now the government is under the influence of the Econocrats who would oppose any reintroduction of state control of credit, which [they say] is the business of the banks and the supposedly-independent Bank of England. So we are exposed to a credit crunch, again: to set alongside material failure of the economy.
Monday, 17 July 2017
High-Speed Idiocy: and Some Sense
Today will see another series of announcements on the scheme to build a completely new high-speed railway between London and Birmingham, with branches to Manchester and Leeds.
I am one of the many who deplores the London to Birmingham venture. The existing line from Euston takes only 70 minutes, non-stop. The need on that route is for more capacity to take stopping trains that can bring commuters more effectively into London from towns and cities on the route, and on feeder routes to that line. The environmental damage that it will inflict is immense, and the cost will be added to the effective national debt [from Britain to aliens, largely Chinese state-owned enterprises] even though it is to be wrapped up as corporate lending. That borrowing will have to be paid for: so if British people decide they cannot afford the prices that will be slapped onto tickets to travel on HS2, the cost of the daft first-stage enterprise will either be offloaded onto the prices of rail tickets nationwide, or onto taxes.
The so-say second stage: or, at least, investment in the improvement of main rail routes for travel across the north midlands and the south of northern England, is absolutely essential. Direct trains from Sheffield to London have been improved, and thus times on the route via Chesterfield, Derby and Leicester, with a sideline to Nottingham, are acceptable. The fast trains on the west-coast mainline that bypass Birmingham on the way to Edinburgh and Glasgow do not serve any major city in northern England: and they are slowed down by stopping at some selection from the list of Crewe, Warrington, Wigan, Preston, Lancaster and Carlisle. The history of railway company formation, and the consequential construction of lines, means that there are various cities and towns to be served in Yorkshire, causing there to be barely-adequate services to York, Leeds, Bradford, Wakefield, Halifax, Huddersfield and Hull from the metropolis: only after Northallerton is there a clear principal route via Darlington, Durham, Newcastle and the north: and this all leaves Sunderland and Middlesborough at the edges of the map. Huge expenditure is needed on that infrastructure to bring it up to the level that is common on the European continent. Half a century has been spent closing railways and parts of routes and despoiling the railways of the land that could have been sold to provide the cash to fund updating of the system. While the Osbornian HS2N plan may not be feasible, the investment is necessary: and it should come from a state-led infrastructure pool to which crowd-funding from the British people should be added. It is not necessary to add to the public external debt of the nation to improve this infrastructure: the state should lead, the people can follow, and the spending that will be generated by the construction work and then the operation of the lines will help to revive the economy. It is necessary to build not just 'strategic' main lines, but the ensure that all the 'bypassed' towns - even Darwen and Accrington - are effectively linked in to the new system.
Before one gets too depressed at the present state of the British railways, one should look at the home of capitalism, the United States of America: and at its financial capital, New York. There the railways are in a state of extreme dereliction: with collapsing bridges, five-mile-an-hour speed limits, frequent derailments at the major stations and [literally] century-old wiring providing power to some routes. President Trump trumpeted his intention to change all this, with massive investment in infrastructure, including in his home city: but so far he has cut down on the Obama-era commitment of federal investment.
Thought must be given to the effects of economic thinking, both in the neo-Keynesian era and in the more recent period when 'rational markets' theory has predominated, on the real structure and infrastructure of human life in the urban environment. It is Economics that got us down into this mess: economic dogma will not help us out of it.
I am one of the many who deplores the London to Birmingham venture. The existing line from Euston takes only 70 minutes, non-stop. The need on that route is for more capacity to take stopping trains that can bring commuters more effectively into London from towns and cities on the route, and on feeder routes to that line. The environmental damage that it will inflict is immense, and the cost will be added to the effective national debt [from Britain to aliens, largely Chinese state-owned enterprises] even though it is to be wrapped up as corporate lending. That borrowing will have to be paid for: so if British people decide they cannot afford the prices that will be slapped onto tickets to travel on HS2, the cost of the daft first-stage enterprise will either be offloaded onto the prices of rail tickets nationwide, or onto taxes.
The so-say second stage: or, at least, investment in the improvement of main rail routes for travel across the north midlands and the south of northern England, is absolutely essential. Direct trains from Sheffield to London have been improved, and thus times on the route via Chesterfield, Derby and Leicester, with a sideline to Nottingham, are acceptable. The fast trains on the west-coast mainline that bypass Birmingham on the way to Edinburgh and Glasgow do not serve any major city in northern England: and they are slowed down by stopping at some selection from the list of Crewe, Warrington, Wigan, Preston, Lancaster and Carlisle. The history of railway company formation, and the consequential construction of lines, means that there are various cities and towns to be served in Yorkshire, causing there to be barely-adequate services to York, Leeds, Bradford, Wakefield, Halifax, Huddersfield and Hull from the metropolis: only after Northallerton is there a clear principal route via Darlington, Durham, Newcastle and the north: and this all leaves Sunderland and Middlesborough at the edges of the map. Huge expenditure is needed on that infrastructure to bring it up to the level that is common on the European continent. Half a century has been spent closing railways and parts of routes and despoiling the railways of the land that could have been sold to provide the cash to fund updating of the system. While the Osbornian HS2N plan may not be feasible, the investment is necessary: and it should come from a state-led infrastructure pool to which crowd-funding from the British people should be added. It is not necessary to add to the public external debt of the nation to improve this infrastructure: the state should lead, the people can follow, and the spending that will be generated by the construction work and then the operation of the lines will help to revive the economy. It is necessary to build not just 'strategic' main lines, but the ensure that all the 'bypassed' towns - even Darwen and Accrington - are effectively linked in to the new system.
Before one gets too depressed at the present state of the British railways, one should look at the home of capitalism, the United States of America: and at its financial capital, New York. There the railways are in a state of extreme dereliction: with collapsing bridges, five-mile-an-hour speed limits, frequent derailments at the major stations and [literally] century-old wiring providing power to some routes. President Trump trumpeted his intention to change all this, with massive investment in infrastructure, including in his home city: but so far he has cut down on the Obama-era commitment of federal investment.
Thought must be given to the effects of economic thinking, both in the neo-Keynesian era and in the more recent period when 'rational markets' theory has predominated, on the real structure and infrastructure of human life in the urban environment. It is Economics that got us down into this mess: economic dogma will not help us out of it.
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